Kansas City, Missouri is emerging as a frontline in the struggle between tenant rights advocates and landlord interests. In recent years, a strong tenant movement has risen to challenge longstanding housing practices, winning new protections for renters and influencing local politics. Meanwhile, landlords and their allies have organized in response, voicing concerns about regulation and pushing back on certain reforms. This report examines the key players in this dynamic, recent and proposed legislation affecting landlords and tenants, the broader forces driving these changes, and the historical context behind Kansas City’s housing struggles.

1. Key Individuals and Organizations in the Tenant–Landlord Landscape

Tenant Advocates and Leaders: KC Tenants – founded in 2019 – is the driving force of Kansas City’s tenant rights movement. The group describes itself as a multiracial, grassroots “union for renters” and has grown to thousands of members. Its co-founders are Tara Raghuveer and Tiana Caldwell. Tara Raghuveer, a Kansas City native and Harvard-educated researcher, first gained prominence by leading the Kansas City Eviction Project, a study of local eviction data ​thenation.com​housingmatters.urban.org. Seeing evictions as a symptom of a broken housing system, Raghuveer transitioned from research to organizing, helping launch KC Tenants in 2019 ​nextcity.org. She also directs the national Homes Guarantee campaign at People’s Action, connecting Kansas City’s struggle to a broader movement for housing justice ​thenation.com. Tiana Caldwell, the other co-founder, is a local activist who personally experienced eviction and homelessness while battling serious illness. Caldwell now serves as KC Tenants’ board president and a powerful voice linking housing rights to human rights. Other notable KC Tenants leaders include Patricia “Pat” Lucas, a veteran tenant organizer who has fought displacement in Black neighborhoods, and Jenay Manley, an organizer who helped lead the campaign for truly affordable housing bonds​ kansascitydefender.com.

Allied Activists and Organizations: KC Tenants works in coalition with other community and national groups. Locally, they coordinate with legal aid organizations (for example, on the tenant right-to-counsel program) and with neighborhood associations fighting gentrification. Nationally, KC Tenants is linked to People’s Action’s housing justice network and has been highlighted as part of a growing national renters’ rights movement. Homes Guarantee – a campaign led by People’s Action and directed by Raghuveer – pushes for federal housing reforms and has amplified Kansas City’s successes as a model. Prominent housing scholars like Matthew Desmond (author of Evicted) have also influenced Kansas City activists by illuminating how evictions fuel poverty and racial inequality ​housingmatters.urban.org​. Desmond’s work, while based on Milwaukee, resonates in Kansas City: it showed that evictions are often not just a consequence of poverty but also a cause of it, trapping families in cycles of instability – insights that activists cite in arguing for stronger tenant protections.

Supportive Politicians: Kansas City’s political leadership has, to varying degrees, engaged with the tenant movement. Mayor Quinton Lucas, who took office in 2019, made housing a central issue. He championed the city’s Tenants Bill of Rights and subsequent initiatives, often working closely with KC Tenants or at least responding to their pressure. For instance, Mayor Lucas and the City Council approved the Tenants Bill of Rights in December 2019, with Lucas stating “Today Kansas City made history” as the ordinance passed. Lucas also backed creating an Office of the Tenant Advocate and supported a right-to-counsel for evictions. At the same time, activists have sometimes clashed with Lucas when they felt he was slow to fulfill promises. In early 2020, tenant advocates publicly accused the mayor of leaving them with “a string of broken promises” on fully funding and enforcing tenant protections. Several members of the Kansas City Council have been champions of tenant causes – for example, Councilwoman Andrea Bough and others sponsored the right-to-counsel ordinance in 2021. In 2022, KC Tenants even formed a political arm (KC Tenants Power) to endorse and elect sympathetic candidates; notably, in 2023 elections, four of six council candidates they endorsed won seats. This has increased the political influence of renters’ advocates inside City Hall.

Landlord Advocates and Key Opponents: On the other side of the equation, landlord and real estate groups have mobilized to protect their interests. The Apartment Association of Kansas City (local affiliate of a national landlords’ association) and the Missouri Realtors are influential in lobbying on housing policy. They argue that overregulation of rentals will discourage development and even harm tenants in the long run. An attorney who represents Kansas City landlords claimed that KC Tenants-backed measures have made the eviction process “fivefold” more expensive and stretched proceedings from one month to 3–12 months. Local landlord advocates have complained that aggressive protests – such as KC Tenants chaining themselves to courthouse doors or demonstrating at judges’ homes – interfere with legitimate property rights and legal process. Some prominent voices in this camp include members of the Kansas City Regional Housing Alliance (an umbrella for property owners) and attorneys engaged in eviction cases. Politically, a few Missouri state legislators have aligned with landlord interests, seeking to preempt or roll back Kansas City’s tenant-friendly ordinances (discussed further below). Even Senator Josh Hawley, normally a conservative figure, found common ground with Mayor Lucas in early 2020 in calling out “deadbeat landlords” – though that effort aimed to hold negligent landlords accountable, not tenants. By contrast, most landlord advocacy has focused on opposing measures like rent control or expanded tenant rights, often through quieter legislative channels.

2. Recent and Proposed Legislation Impacting Landlords and Tenants

Kansas City has enacted several pathbreaking policies in the past few years to strengthen tenant rights, while debates continue over state-level laws that often favor landlords. Below is an overview of major legislative changes and proposals:

• Kansas City Tenants Bill of Rights (2019): In December 2019, the city council, with strong backing from KC Tenants, unanimously passed a Tenants Bill of Rights – the first in Kansas City’s history. This measure created a formal Tenant Bill of Rights resolution and an accompanying ordinance enforcing new renter protections. Key provisions included prohibiting landlords from rejecting applicants solely due to past evictions or criminal convictions, or on the basis of characteristics like race, gender identity, sexual orientation, immigration status, or source of income​ assets.noviams.com​assets.noviams.com. It also required landlords to give at least 24 hours’ notice before entering a tenant’s unit (and to inform tenants who will enter)​. Additionally, landlords must provide prospective renters with information about utility providers and past utility usage, helping tenants budget for total housing costs​ assets.noviams.com. The ordinance created a new Office of the Tenant Advocate to enforce these rights and mediate disputes. Local media noted this as a “historic win for renters” that signaled a shift in power toward tenants. Landlord groups, however, raised concerns that some provisions (like tighter entry rules or screening limits) could burden property owners. They also worried that being unable to consider certain eviction or criminal history factors might expose landlords to higher risk. Despite some opposition, the measure went into effect, and Kansas City joined a handful of cities nationally in codifying a renters’ bill of rights.

• Right to Counsel for Evictions (2021): In December 2021, Kansas City, MO adopted a Tenants’ Right to Counselordinance, guaranteeing that any tenant facing eviction in court can have a lawyer provided at no cost. This policy – championed by KC Tenants and passed by the city council – dedicates city funds to contract attorneys or legal aid services for low-income renters. The move came after research showed an enormous imbalance in eviction court: in Jackson County, 84% of landlords had legal representation, but only 1% of tenants did, and as a result landlords won 99.7% of eviction cases (often by default when tenants didn’t appear)​ housingmatters.urban.org​housingmatters.urban.org. Providing counsel is intended to level the playing field and prevent avoidable evictions. Kansas City’s program was one of the first in the Midwest (following cities like New York and San Francisco nationally) to ensure universal eviction defense. Early evidence suggests such programs can significantly increase tenants’ chances of avoiding displacement or negotiating better outcomes. Landlord associations cautiously acknowledged tenants’ right to counsel but lobbied for funding to come from general city revenue rather than new fees on landlords. They also insist that the program not unduly delay the court process. As of 2022, the right-to-counsel had been approved and was gearing up, funded in part by federal COVID relief dollars and the city’s housing budget.

• Affordable Housing Trust Fund and Bonds: Addressing the root cause – a shortage of affordable homes – has been another legislative focus. In August 2020, Kansas City voters approved establishing a local Affordable Housing Trust Fund, though initially it lacked dedicated revenue. KC Tenants later pushed for significant investment in this fund. A major victory came in November 2022, when Kansas Citians overwhelmingly approved a $50 million bond specifically to support “deeply affordable” housing. This was the largest housing investment in the city’s history, intended to finance renovation or construction of homes for low-income residents. KC Tenants Power had campaigned for the ballot measure (Question 2) and even wrote a city council resolution to ensure the funds would be used for housing with rents around $550–$750, truly affordable to working-class people​ kansascitydefender.com​kansascitydefender.com. The success of the bond measure was heralded by housing advocates and the Kansas City Star editorial board as a “big victory” for the tenant movement, while also cautioning that the money must be spent effectively. On the implementation side, tenant leaders are now involved in discussions on how the funds are administered, aiming for community control (e.g. a proposed People’s Housing Trust Fund with a tenant-majority oversight board). Landlords generally support increasing housing supply but some voiced fears that prioritizing very low-rent units could come with regulatory strings attached or could affect property values. Nonetheless, the bond approval shows broad public support for tackling the housing affordability crisis.

• Eviction and Pandemic Measures: During the COVID-19 pandemic, Kansas City faced an emergency of mass evictions. In 2020, KC Tenants staged dramatic protests (including blocking courthouse eviction proceedings) and even filed lawsuits to halt evictions under the CDC moratorium. While a federal judge ultimately denied KC Tenants’ request to pause all evictions in late 2020, these actions did spur some interim policy responses. Mayor Lucas implored county judges to slow evictions, and Jackson County did issue short delays. At the federal level, the CDC moratorium (before it was struck down) provided temporary relief to many Kansas City renters. No permanent law was passed to ban evictions, but these events raised awareness of tenants’ vulnerability. In Missouri’s state legislature, some lawmakers responded by proposing to block cities from ever imposing local eviction moratoria or rent freezes, reflecting a pro-landlord stance, though such bills did not advance far. Instead, Missouri focused on distributing federal rent aid to landlords (through programs like SAFHR), essentially to pay back rent and avoid evictions. As the pandemic ebbed, eviction filings resumed to pre-pandemic levels by 2022, making the earlier-mentioned right-to-counsel and other protections all the more crucial.

• State Preemption and Landlord-Friendly Laws: It’s important to note that Missouri’s statewide laws tend to favor landlords, and state law can override local tenant protections. Missouri is among the many states that prohibit rent control – since the 1980s, state statute has barred cities from capping rents, meaning Kansas City cannot legally enact rent stabilization on private properties. The state also does not require a warrant of habitability (tenants must rely on local codes for enforcement of repairs) and allows swift eviction timelines – often filings can lead to removal in just a few weeks if tenants don’t respond. Recent sessions of the Missouri Legislature have seen pro-landlord bills such as proposals to make it easier to evict tenants for illegal activity or to shorten the notice period for evictions. One proposal in 2021 sought to preempt cities like Kansas City from adding new protected classes for renters beyond state law (an attempt to nullify parts of KC’s Bill of Rights that bans discrimination based on source of income or immigration status), but tenant advocates lobbied against it, and it did not become law. Another bill backed by landlord groups would have forbidden any local “Tenant Bill of Rights” ordinances – effectively undoing Kansas City’s progress – under the argument of keeping rental regulations uniform statewide. So far, these preemption efforts have been unsuccessful, but they remain a looming threat: a determined majority in Jefferson City (Missouri’s capital) could overturn Kansas City’s tenant laws or curtail cities’ authority on landlord-tenant matters. On the flip side, pro-tenant state legislation has been hard to come by in the Republican-dominated Missouri General Assembly. Measures such as requiring a reasonable notice period (e.g. 5 days) for nonpayment evictions, or allowing tenants to withhold rent for repairs, have routinely stalled. This forces most tenant reforms to happen at the city level in places like Kansas City and St. Louis.

• Proposed and Upcoming Policies: Looking ahead, Kansas City tenant advocates are pushing for even more ambitious policies. One idea on the table is a “community opportunity to purchase” law that would give tenant groups or the city first chance to buy rental properties up for sale (to preserve them as affordable), inspired by Washington D.C.’s law. Another proposal from KC Tenants is for renters’ right to organize protections, which would legally protect tenant unions in apartment complexes from landlord retaliation – effectively encouraging the formation of tenant associations building by building. Also in discussion is strengthening code enforcement: for example, requiring proactive rental inspections and establishing a public “bad landlord” list for those with many violations. Landlords, for their part, are advocating for policies like tax incentives for small landlords who keep rents affordable, arguing that supporting landlords can indirectly benefit tenants. They also seek clearer guidelines or relief funds for complying with any new regulations (for instance, if they must make costly repairs or face fines for code issues). In the near term, much legislative attention will go toward implementing the housing bond (ensuring new affordable housing projects break ground) and monitoring the impact of right-to-counsel in eviction courts. Both sides – tenant activists and landlord lobbyists – will continue to spar at City Council meetings and in Jefferson City over any new proposals that tip the scales of landlord-tenant law.

3. Broader Social, Economic, and Political Forces Driving Change

The tug-of-war between tenants and landlords in Kansas City is driven by broader trends in housing costs, demographics, and politics. Several key forces provide context for why the tenant movement has gained momentum now, and why landlord responses have been intense:

• Rising Housing Costs and Affordability Crisis: Kansas City, long known for inexpensive housing, has seen soaring rent increases in recent years. In 2023, a report found Kansas City had the highest year-over-year rent jump in the nation – with landlords hiking rents 16% in one year, bringing median rent to about $1,666. This spike far outpaced income growth and hit working-class renters hard. Even before this surge, nearly half of Kansas City renters were cost-burdened (paying over 30% of their income on rent)​ assets.noviams.com. The problem isn’t just new luxury apartments – even older, historically affordable neighborhoods have seen increases due to high demand and limited supply of rental units. Kansas City faces a shortage of roughly 42,000 affordable homes for extremely low-income households. This housing crunch is fueled by population growth in the city, more young adults renting (instead of buying in suburbs), and investors converting single-family homes into rentals. As costs rise, more tenants struggle to pay rent, leading to higher eviction rates and greater economic anxiety. The urgency of this crisis has politicized many renters, who a decade ago might have moved to cheaper housing, but now find there are few alternatives. It has also led middle-income residents to sympathize with the movement, as even moderate earners feel the pinch of “rent is too damn high,” a rallying cry highlighted in local media. On the other side, landlords point out that their expenses – property taxes, insurance, maintenance, utilities – have also been rising. In 2023, Jackson County’s property re-assessment sent taxes sharply upward, and landlords warned they would pass those costs onto tenants. They argue that rent increases are partly a result of market forces and necessary expenses, not simply greed. Nonetheless, the perception in many communities is that housing is becoming unaffordable, galvanizing support for tenant activism.

• High Eviction Rates and the Impact of Evictions: Even before the pandemic, Kansas City had an eviction problem on par with many struggling cities. The Kansas City Eviction Project’s research revealed that, on average, 42 eviction filings occur every business day in Jackson County courts – roughly 9,000 a year​ housingmatters.urban.org. Such a steady churn of evictions, year in and year out, indicates a structural issue: a significant segment of tenants cannot make rent and face displacement regularly. Evictions in Kansas City disproportionately hit Black communities and women. Data showed that race is the single strongest predictor of eviction in the city – even accounting for income, Black renters are evicted at much higher rates than whites​ housingmatters.urban.org. Decades of disinvestment in predominantly Black neighborhoods (often on the east side of the city, across the Troost Avenue dividing line) have concentrated poverty and made those areas hotbeds for eviction filings​ housingmatters.urban.org. The human toll of evictions is immense: families lose their homes, kids are uprooted from schools, and people often fall into homelessness or substandard housing. Matthew Desmond’s Evicted documented how eviction can create a downward spiral of job loss, health problems, and deeper poverty – a pattern tenant advocates say is happening in Kansas City’s poorest ZIP codes as well​housingmatters.urban.org​housingmatters.urban.org. This crisis intensified the tenant movement; groups like KC Tenants frame “evictions are violence” and have organized eviction blockades, court disruptions, and emergency assistance to those facing lockouts. During COVID-19, eviction moratoria temporarily slowed the tide, but by 2022 filings roared back, and Jackson County judges have been processing a backlog of cases. Politically, the high eviction rate has been cited by city councilmembers when advocating policies like the right-to-counsel (to prevent unjust evictions) and by progressive candidates calling for “eviction-free” zones. For landlords, frequent evictions are seen as a necessary though unpleasant part of the business – they argue that if tenants don’t pay rent, eviction is the legal remedy to regain possession. Some smaller landlords express that they work out payment plans more often than resorting to eviction, but large property companies filing evictions in bulk has been highlighted as a “business model” of concern ​housingmatters.urban.org​housingmatters.urban.org. Indeed, over one-third of recent eviction filings in KC came from LLCs (limited liability companies) that own multiple properties​ housingmatters.urban.org, suggesting corporate landlords play a big role. This dynamic of routine evictions has spurred public debate on housing stability as a common good.

• Gentrification and Development Pressures: Kansas City is experiencing redevelopment booms in certain neighborhoods, which contributes to landlord-tenant tensions. Midtown areas like Armour Boulevard and Troost, as well as downtown corridors, have seen influxes of investment and new luxury housing. A Chicago-based landlord, MAC Properties, for example, acquired at least 29 older apartment buildings along Armour Blvd in Midtown over the last decade, renovating them and raising rents. As a result, between 2010 and 2021, the Black population in that area declined by 21% – longtime residents were effectively pushed out as rents climbed and lower-cost units were eliminated. KC Tenants leader Pat Lucas personally experienced this when she received a 30-day notice to vacate her home of 17 years in a gentrifying area. The story is common: developers buy a complex, evict or don’t renew leases for existing tenants (often Black or low-income), then market upgraded units at prices those tenants cannot afford. Citywide, marquee projects like a proposed new downtown baseball stadium, the streetcar line extension, the 2026 FIFA World Cup events, and upscale hotels signal a push to reinvent Kansas City as a “destination city”. Tenant advocates worry these projects will follow the path of cities like Denver – attracting wealthier newcomers and tourists at the expense of locals who then get priced out. They point to what they call the “Denverfication” of Kansas City: policies that favor developers with tax incentives (like 25-year tax abatements) in hopes of growth, but which can fuel displacement. Indeed, Kansas City’s use of tax incentives for luxury development has been controversial. In one case, KC Tenants protested a policy change that defined “affordable” units as a $1,200/month one-bedroom (far above what many can pay) while loosening rules for developers to get incentives ​kansascitydefender.com. That policy passed amid protest – even resulting in a KC Tenants co-founder (Caldwell) being arrested for civil disobedience at City Hall​ kansascitydefender.com. The broader force here is urban revitalization: Kansas City is transitioning from a relatively affordable, slow-growth city into a faster-growing one with pockets of high-end development. The politics of gentrification have thereby arrived – pitting those who welcome redevelopment and rising property values (many business groups and landlords) against those who emphasize protecting residents from displacement. This tension informs every debate on zoning, tax incentives, and housing plans in the city.

• Economic Inequality and Racial Disparities: Underlying Kansas City’s housing fights are stark social inequalities. The city has a high poverty rate (estimated around 15%), and the wealth gap between white and Black residents is wide. According to national data, Black households earn on average only 60% of what white households earn, and possess just 10% of the wealth of white families. In Kansas City, these disparities are spatial: decades of redlining and racial covenants confined Black families to certain districts, notably east of Troost Avenue. Those districts saw less investment, poorer city services, and declining housing stock. When the Fair Housing Act of 1968 ended legal segregation in housing, it did not undo the accumulated disadvantages. Thus, when housing costs rise now, Black renters are less likely to have family wealth or savings to fall back on, making them more vulnerable to eviction or homelessness. Moreover, many Black neighborhoods in Kansas City have been targets of predatory real estate practices – from 1970s blockbusting to modern-day contract-for-deed scams – which have stripped wealth and kept housing quality low. The tenant movement explicitly frames housing justice as racial justice, noting that policies like the Tenants Bill of Rights also strike at “racist practices” in housing​ assets.noviams.com. Conversely, some landlord advocates accuse the tenant movement of focusing too much on “equity” and not enough on practical solutions; they argue that making it harder to evict or screen tenants could disincentivize landlords from renting to anyone with an imperfect record, possibly hurting those very same disadvantaged groups. Still, the political winds in Kansas City have shifted toward acknowledging inequality: City leaders speak openly about the legacy of Troost, and initiatives like the affordable housing bond are intended to rectify past neglect in the urban core. The social force of a new generation of activists (many young and diverse) who cut their teeth in movements like Black Lives Matter has also infused the housing fight with an energizing ethos. KC Tenants’ meetings, for instance, often begin with “acknowledgments of privilege” by white members and an emphasis on centering the most affected communities. This reflects a broader cultural shift toward addressing historical injustices, which in Kansas City strongly intersect with housing.

• Political Climate and Progressive Mobilization: Kansas City’s tenant movement is part of a larger political trend of rising progressive activism in urban areas, especially in the Midwest. In the late 2010s and early 2020s, movements for a $15 minimum wage, for Medicaid expansion, and against police brutality gained traction in Missouri. The housing struggle is another facet of this trend. What’s unique is how quickly KC Tenants gained official influence: by 2020 they were at the table negotiating policy with the mayor’s office, and by 2022 they were celebrating election night wins. The Kansas City Star noted that after the 2022 housing bond victory, “KC Tenants [has] a louder voice” in city politics. At the same time, Missouri’s overall political tilt is conservative, creating a dichotomy: Kansas City (and St. Louis) pursue renter protections, while the state government leans toward deregulation and property-owner rights. This has led to political showdowns – e.g., KC Tenants organizing a loud contingent to travel to Jefferson City to testify against landlord-friendly bills, and, on the other side, state legislators threatening to punish Kansas City for its progressive ordinances (sometimes by withholding other funds). Kansas City’s own government has generally become more progressive on housing under Mayor Lucas and a changing council; however, it’s noteworthy that Lucas himself is a moderate who has tried to balance development and equity. The pressure from tenant activists often provides the political cover or urgency for leaders like him to act. For example, Lucas initially was cautious about an eviction moratorium in 2020, but after KC Tenants’ relentless campaign, he publicly urged a pause on evictions and later took pride in supporting right-to-counsel. Another factor is the influence of national politics: the Biden administration’s rhetoric on tenants’ rights, the appointment of progressives in HUD, and federal COVID housing aid all emboldened local activists. Kansas City tenant leaders participated in national calls for a “renters’ bill of rights” and even helped pressure the White House to consider rent caps on federally backed properties. Meanwhile, landlord groups also became politically active, donating to state campaigns and forming coalitions like “Missourians for Responsible Landlord Policies” (a hypothetical name representing their lobbying efforts). In short, the local tenant vs. landlord battle is a microcosm of a broader political narrative: one of rising demands for greater economic justice and the pushback from established business interests, playing out in city halls and state capitols across the country.

4. Historical Context of Housing and Landlord–Tenant Relations in Kansas City

To fully understand today’s landlord-tenant dynamics, it’s important to look at Kansas City’s historical housing context. Many of the current issues have deep roots:

• Segregation and Redlining: Kansas City has a legacy of racially segregated housing that dates back over a century. Developer J.C. Nichols, among others, pioneered racially restrictive covenants in the early 1900s, ensuring that many neighborhoods (especially south of the Missouri River and west of Troost Avenue) were “whites only.” Banks and the federal government reinforced this with redlining maps in the 1930s that labeled minority areas as high-risk, cutting them off from mortgage credit. These practices meant that Black residents were confined to older east-side neighborhoods and a few communities like Vine Street and Quindaro (in KCK), often in overcrowded and subpar housing. Landlords in these areas could neglect maintenance without losing tenants, because Black residents had little choice – a classic slumlord dynamic that persisted for decades. This history matters now because those same east-side areas still struggle with dilapidated housing and poverty, and some landlords continue to exploit low-income tenants with limited housing options. It also set the stage for white flight after mid-century: when integration loomed, many white families moved to suburbs (taking wealth with them), leaving behind lower property values and a weaker tax base in the city. For tenants today, the fight for better housing conditions and against discriminatory practices is essentially a fight against the ghosts of redlining. City initiatives like the Tenants Bill of Rights explicitly acknowledge that “racist policies like restrictive covenants and redlining created lasting inequalities in the housing market”​ assets.noviams.com. Undoing that damage is a slow process, and in some ways, the surge of gentrification is an ironic twist – investment is finally coming to long-neglected areas, but it threatens to displace the very residents who endured the neglect.

• Tenant Organizing (or the Lack Thereof) Historically: Unlike some larger cities, Kansas City did not have a large tenant union presence in the late 20th century. There were instances of tenant strikes and community organizing – for example, public housing tenants formed associations to protest poor conditions in the 1960s and 70s, and groups like ACORN in the 2000s occasionally mobilized renters on issues like predatory lending or utility shutoffs. But for many years, landlord-tenant relations were characterized by informal arrangements and limited legal protections. Missouri’s landlord-tenant law is fairly barebones (e.g., tenants have to rely on “repair and deduct” if landlords won’t fix something, which is risky, and there’s no state law requiring even 24 hours notice before a landlord entry). This meant power was skewed toward landlords, and tenants often suffered in silence or moved when things became intolerable. One notable historical struggle was around public housing: by the 1980s, Kansas City’s public housing projects had deteriorated so badly (due to mismanagement and funding cuts) that HUD took over the city’s housing authority in 1994. During that era, tenants in projects like Wayne Miner Courts had little say and lived in deplorable conditions until the developments were eventually demolished or renovated under federal programs. The concept of a citywide tenants’ union was realized only recently with KC Tenants. Thus, the current movement is unprecedented in Kansas City’s history – it’s the first time renters from different parts of the city have united in a sustained way to demand policy change. This is partly inspired by historical successes elsewhere (like rent control fights in New York or anti-eviction battles in San Francisco) and by scholarly work (like Desmond’s) that reframed evictions as a societal crisis.

• “Landlord Nation” Culture in Missouri: Culturally, Missouri has tended to view housing through a property-rights lens. Homeownership was high, and small “mom-and-pop” landlords were common – e.g., someone might own a couple of duplexes as an investment. For much of the 20th century, local politics often sided with these landlord interests. Housing codes were weakly enforced; for instance, Kansas City long had a dangerous buildings list that grew as some landlords would abandon properties rather than fix code issues, with limited penalties. Eviction courts (in Jackson County) were sometimes called “rocket dockets” for how fast they processed cases, reflecting a judiciary that treated nonpayment as an open-and-shut matter in favor of landlords​housingmatters.urban.org. This background explains some of the resistance to the new tenant protections. Landlords see them as a break from a long tradition where they had more autonomy. Older landlords recall a time when they could remove a nonpaying tenant in a couple of weeks; now, with things like the right-to-counsel and judges being more scrutinized, the process might take longer and require more documentation – which they find frustrating. Moreover, there’s an ideological component: organizations like the Missouri Apartment Association propagate the view that free-market solutions (like increasing housing supply) are the answer to affordability, not tenant regulations. They often cite that stringent rent control in some cities led to reduced housing stock. While Kansas City hasn’t proposed rent control (it can’t, by state law), even the mention of stronger renter rights can be seen by these groups as a slippery slope toward heavier regulation. So historically, landlord-tenant relations in Kansas City were governed by market forces and minimal intervention – a status quo that is being upended now, leading to understandable friction.

• Past Policy Landmarks: There have been some earlier policy efforts worth noting as context. In the 1970s, Kansas City implemented a rental inspection program after some deadly fires in substandard rentals, but enforcement waxed and waned over the years. In 1990, the city adopted a fair housing ordinance adding some local protections, but it was not widely publicized. Fast forward to the mid-2010s, concerns over increasing evictions led to piecemeal responses: e.g., Jackson County judges created a diversion program encouraging mediation in eviction cases, but few tenants knew about it. These scattered measures had limited effect. It wasn’t until the late 2010s, as housing costs grew and activist energy increased, that comprehensive reforms like the Tenant Bill of Rights were seriously pursued. Interestingly, one catalyst was academic: Tara Raghuveer’s Kansas City Eviction Project (2018) produced hard data that local officials could no longer ignore – like the fact that nearly 50% of renters in Kansas City spend over 30% of income on rent, and around 34 evictions were filed per day in 2018 ​assets.noviams.com. Such findings, covered in local news, set the stage for bolder action. Another small but notable event was in early 2020 when protesters interrupted a campaign rally of then-presidential candidate Joe Biden in Kansas City to demand he address housing and evictions. This made national news and underscored that housing had become a political flashpoint.

In summary, Kansas City’s current landlord-tenant dynamics did not emerge overnight. They are the result of years of rising rents, persistent eviction problems, and organizing by tenants who found inspiration in both local hardships and national movements. The historical lack of tenant power created a vacuum that KC Tenants is now filling, while a long-standing pro-landlord orientation in law and culture means pushback was inevitable. What’s happening in Kansas City mirrors a larger American story of housing inequality – but with its own local characters and contours, from Troost Avenue’s divided legacy to the “yellow shirt” (KC Tenants’ signature color) activists now packing city council chambers.

Conclusion

Kansas City, Missouri is at a pivotal moment in landlord-tenant relations. On one side, empowered tenant organizers and progressive policymakers have notched significant wins – a Tenant Bill of Rights, an eviction right-to-counsel program, and unprecedented funding for affordable housing – aiming to make Kansas City a more tenant-friendly city. On the other side, landlords and their allies warn that these changes, if taken too far, could deter investment and strain the rental market. The clash is fueled by real pressures: rents have spiked, evictions remain common (especially among Black and low-income residents), and gentrification is reshaping neighborhoods. Broader social forces like economic inequality and shifting political attitudes toward housing as a human right drive the tenant movement’s urgency, while the landlord camp leans on America’s tradition of property rights and free enterprise to make its case.

The trajectory of Kansas City’s housing future will likely be determined by how these forces play out. Will the city continue to lead on tenant protections and possibly inspire statewide changes, or will there be a backlash that swings the pendulum back toward landlord interests? Already, the tenant movement’s influence can be seen in the makeup of the city council and in the discourse around development – affordable housing is now a central policy goal, not a sideline issue. At the same time, development hasn’t slowed: developers still find Kansas City attractive, and landlords continue to invest, suggesting that a new balance might be struck between growth and equity.

One thing is clear: landlord-tenant dynamics are now part of Kansas City’s mainstream political conversation. Activists chant that the community must put “people before profits”, while opponents retort that without profits, you can’t build housing for people. The coming years will test various approaches, from stricter enforcement of housing standards to innovative models like community land trusts. For other cities watching, Kansas City offers a case study in how a vibrant renters’ movement can transform local policy – and how landlords adapt or resist in response. As KC Tenants often reminds people: housing is a human right, and in Kansas City, that idea is no longer just a slogan but a growing influence on law and society.

Sources:

• Brey, Jared. “Kansas City Adopts a Tenants Bill of Rights.” Next City, Dec. 17, 2019​ assets.noviams.com​assets.noviams.com.

• Raghuveer, Tara. Kansas City Eviction Project – Findings summarized in Housing Matters, Urban Institute (2018)​ housingmatters.urban.org​.

• KC Tenants – Press Archive (2019–2023).

• Kansas City Defender. “Kansas City’s Rent Is Too Damn High.” Nov. 4, 2022.

• Kansas City Star – Editorial Board. “After big affordable housing election win, KC Tenants raises a louder voice.” Nov. 10, 2022.

• InfluenceWatch. “KC Tenants.” (Profile of organization).

• Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City, Matthew Desmond, 2016 (contextual reference).

• People’s Action Homes Guarantee campaign – Housing supply memo (2023).

• KC Tenants website and news coverage (KCUR, KCTV, etc. via press archive) on Tenant Bill of Rights and Right to Counsel.

• KC Eviction Project data via The Nation and Urban Institute​ housingmatters.urban.org​housingmatters.urban.org.

• The Kansas City Star. “Today Kansas City made history: City Council adopts tenants bill of rights.” Dec. 12, 2019 (Allison Kite).

• KC Tenants leaders commentary in The Kansas City Defender​ kansascitydefender.com​kansascitydefender.com.